U.S. Jews should back Netanyahu's fight against Israeli hawks

Both Jewish hawks and doves have publicly welcomed the peace talks; even hardliners know there is no support in Congress or either U.S. political party for any solution other than two states.

With peace negotiations soon to begin, the experts, scholars and journalists from the right and the left, in both Israel and America, are proclaiming their doubts and predicting disaster. But interestingly enough, mainstream American Jewry has a different take. American Jews, while cautious, are mostly content. They are pleased with the American government, supportive of Prime Minister Netanyahu, and even a bit optimistic that the talks will lead to progress and, eventually perhaps, to peace.

And this should not be surprising. After all, the facts on the ground are encouraging. Secretary of State John Kerry, whose focus on the Middle East has been dismissed as a joke, has persevered and brought both sides to the table. Unbridgeable gaps in positions, so wide that talks could not even be started, have nonetheless been bridged, at least enough that negotiations could begin. And Israeli and Palestinian leaders have managed, somehow, to play by the rules of the game, maintaining confidentiality and overcoming the resistance of recalcitrant elements. Why, American Jews wonder, should all of this not be seen as a blessing?

Most American Jewish organizations have issued statements endorsing the talks and applauding the steps taken so far by the American and Israeli governments. Some of this is boilerplate, but some is not. The Jewish Federations of North America, for example, offered enthusiastic praise for “the relentless efforts of the U.S. leadership and specifically Secretary of State John Kerry for continuing on his mission to create this historic opportunity in the face of skepticism.”

America has an optimistic mindset, in foreign policy and in all things, and American Jews share in this culture. They continue to believe that peace between Israel and her neighbors remains a possibility and that America can help. But beyond that, a number of factors are at work in shaping American Jewish attitudes.

In the first place, there is gratitude for Prime Minister Netanyahu’s clear and strong reassertion of his commitment to a two-state solution. Such statements have been made before, of course, but not always with consistency and conviction; at times, Netanyahu has seemed to defer to the strident voices in his own government and party opposing the creation of a Palestinian state. In recent months, to the dismay of American Jews, the Anglo-Jewish press has highlighted the frequent declarations by Naftali Bennett, Zeev Elkin, and Danny Danon — all members of the current government — that a two-state option must be resisted at all costs.

Yet now, with Kerry pushing for the start of talks, Netanyahu has reiterated the case for two states in emphatic terms, and American Jews have responded with relief and applause. In an open letter to Netanyahu organized by the Israel Policy Forum, a centrist organization that strongly backs the two-state approach, the 125 signatories included Republican Jewish Coalition board member Morris Offit, former George W. Bush advisor Dov Zakheim, and former Senator Joseph Lieberman. The appearance of Lieberman’s name was of particular interest; Lieberman was known in the Senate for his hardline foreign policy views, and one would not normally expect to find his name on a public letter alongside Jews with a far more dovish orientation. (Full disclosure: I was one of them.)

But the simple fact is that a two-state solution is a consensus American position, supported by liberals and conservatives, hawks and doves, Republicans and Democrats. If peace is to come, it will mean territorial compromise and the creation of a Palestinian state. As Senator Lieberman well knows, the ideas of Naftali Bennett that call for permanent occupation of the territories by Israel have no support in Congress or the foreign policy establishment of either American party. And this means that as Prime Minister Netanyahu confronts these elements of the Israeli right, he should be supported and encouraged on the path he is taking — and that is what the letter did.

And this too: A significant number of thoughtful critics, such as Aaron David Miller, have argued that a major reason for skepticism about the Kerry initiative is that the process belongs to Mr. Kerry; “President Obama has yet to take ownership of it.” But American Jews are simply not buying this; given the effort that Kerry has expended, it defies logic and common sense to see him as anything other than the personal envoy of the president of the United States, who has charged him to implement the principles that the president set out in his Jerusalem speech in March. And just as that speech was greeted with gratitude and thanks, so too are the actions of Secretary of State Kerry now.

Of course, none of this means that the talks will succeed, or that American Jews are naive about the prospects for peace. Neither does it mean that in offering their support to Prime Minister Netanyahu, they agree with all of his decisions. (I, for one, would have preferred an Israeli position that promised to do more in freezing settlements while releasing fewer convicted murderers.)

Still, let us be clear: American Jews welcome the diplomacy of Secretary Kerry, support the positive response of Prime Minister Netanyahu, remain committed to a two-state solution, and fervently hope for an outcome that will bring peace to Israel and her neighbors.